| 89platform of the republican party, and
that is the only platform that I ever
care to stand upon [?] (Applause)
Does my friend stand for the free
and unlimited [?] of silver as a
principle or as a note getter? If he
stands on it as a principle, then why
did he not support Clem Deaver for
congress, who stands on the same plat-
form (Loud applause) If he stands
on it as a vote getter, then you can ex-
plain why he turns down Clem Dea-
ver, the free silver advocate, and sup-
ports James E Boyd, that is a strong
sound money/democrat of the state of
Nebraska, (Applause.) (A voice, "Give
it to him, John.") (Laughter)
Was it because he loved the Ameri-
can people and stood for principle that
he tied up the democratic party of Ne-
braska, in a brown paper parcel, and
tied it with a fusion string and deliv-
ered over to its enemy without even
taking a receipt in return? (Loud ap-
plause and laughters )
If he stands for principal, who was
it that in that convention, which he
manipulated with his right hand, that
he indorsed every populist who had
never smelled gun powder and turned
every populist nominee that had fought
under the flag of his country?. (Loud
applause) (A voice, "Give it to 'em
again.")
If he stood for principal and not for
office why was it that he indorsed Silas
A. Holcomb, a reform democrat, and
turned down John H Powers, that old
time republican and leader, par ex-
cellence of the populists in the state
of Nebraska? (Loud applause)
He says, if I go to congress, will I
stand for Nebraska? He says why
don't you talk about the tariff on
sugar? Great God, I did not need to
talk about the tariff on sugar, it
talk for itself. (Loud ap-
plause)
If I ever go to the senate of the
United States I will stand for legisla-
tion, that will give Nebraska farmers
enough money for their bushels of
wheat, so that they can afford to pay
to support binding twine factories
within the limits of our own common-
wealth (Applanse)
If I ever go to the senate of the United
States I will legislate in this coun-
try so that the American shee can look
a man in the face. (Applause)
If I ever go to the senate of the United
States, I will put up the bars of the
Texas border against the cattle of the
[gleasers], and keep them out of the
American market, and from cutting
down the price of American beef (Ap-
plause)
(A voice: "You'll go all right." Ap-
plause)
Talk about good times coming with
their effervescent influences under the
Wilson bill. He says that Wilson told
the English people that that legislation
was for the United States, but they all
raised up and said, You are a blars*ed
American fool if you think they'll do
anything of the kind (Laughter)
Talk about the rich growing richer
and the poor poorer. Where on the face
of Gods green earth do you find the
rich so rich and the poor so poor as in
free trade England. (Applause)
He says that 70 per cent of Boston
live in rented houses. John Bright
says that 80 per cent of the labor of
Scotland and England live in hovels
of one room to the family. (Loud ap-
plause)
[Wants] Demand for Labor.
Talking about the condemnation of
capital and manufacturing, my friend
wants a law to [arbitrate?] I am with
him on that as far as it can be carried
under the constitution of our country
but I could stand first for cre-
ating enough demand for labor
in the United States
so that labor would be its own arbi-
trator and fix its own price. (Applause)
He says chep in down in South
Omaha. Two years ago you fooled
these people by promising cheap din-
ner pails to the workingmen. Now
they stand idle on a sheif corrner; there
is no dinner in them and their wives
and their babies are asking for bread
You gave them cheap dinner pails and
soup, we will give them employment
(Loud laughter)
Stand up for the success of the re-
publican party. Strike down every
man who stands for the suppression
of a free ballot, for the opening of
American ports to a single day's labor
of anybody on any other part of the
earth that the American flag does not
wave over. Bless God, the American
people only get fooled once in a gen-
eration (Laughter) Old Abraham
Lincoln says, you can fool some of the
people all of the time, but you cannot
fool allof the people all of the time,
and this is not going to be a fool year
in the state of Nebraska. (Loud an
prolonged applause)
HOW A WOMAN VIEWED IT ALL.
Mrs. Peattie Writes of the Impres-
sious Given in Feminine Mind,
Fifteen thousand persons crowded
into the gigantic Colleseum last Thurs-
day evening for the purpose of hearing
tow honorable gentlemen differ with
one another concerning the tariff and
the force bill. To every fifty men there
was one woman. And the women had
their point of view as well as the men
In some respects that point of view
must necessarily be different from that
held by the men.
To begin with, a woman instinctively
idealizes everything she touches. She
takes her politics sentimentally, as she
does everything else. She is a demo-
crat, a republican or a populist for rea-
sons of heart--because one or the other
seems pre-eminently, unquestionably
right, or because the father she loved,
and who is dead, stood for the princi-
ples represented in one of these partis
or because her husband stands for
those principles, or because she has
thrown a glamour about one of the
leaders of those parties.
At the same time, in spite of her sen-
timentality, a woman does not neces-
sarily suppose that others are as in-
tense as herself. And she indulges in
a little curiousity concerning a crowd like
that which massed itself at the Coli-
seum the other evening-the largest
crowd, undoubtedly, that ever assem-
bled in Omaha. What was the reason
for their meeting? Did these men
meet that they might enjoy listening
to a debate? Was it an intellectual
impulse? Or was it purely a political
one, in the true sense of the word? Was
it possible that these men all concurred
in believing that politics were respon-
sible, primarily for the prosperity or
depression of the country, and was it
concern about their financial future,
and apprehension about their indus-
tiral liberty that brought them to-
gether?
It was the stuff of which republics are
made--that crowd Every male mem-
ber of it was conscious of his vote.
He showed in his demeanor that he at-
tached importanes to himslef and his
opinion. The men who were addressing
him, disputing us to which represented
the cause most worthy of sustainment,
were indeed his servants-his emis-
saries- his spokesman. Women have
not got so accustomed to the process
of making government, as to view it
subjectively. They still take an objec-
tive view of it. It diverted them to
see how deliberately these thousands
of men submitted themselves to laws of
their own making-how conscious they
were that the voices of men meant
confusion but that the voice of law
meant order.
It amused the women, too, to observe
with what unamimity the partisans
agreed each with their spokesman.
That two large bodies of men, repre-
senting two diametrically opposed sets
of ideas, should each have considered
themselves right, and should each be
so proud to serve under the banners of
their parties is not a new thing. It is
as old as human difference. Yet the
psychological interest of it is ever new
Does it not make right and wrong seem
to be matters of opinion, like beauty,
or taste? Can there be a positive
quality to right, when two bodies of
earnest and conscientious men disa-
gree as to it? For how shall right be
determined except by conscience? And
who doubts the conscientiousness of
the mass of our political partisans?
Truly a curious thing this differrence of
opinion. It mau be that it was de-
vised by an All-seeing God to keep men
from being bored to extinction.
However that may be, the men were
sufficiently partisan the other evening
They believed that they stood for the
principles which would save theis na-
tion from fincancial ruin. Many of
them believed that they were standing
for the principles that would save their
wives and children from starvation.
The times, which no one understands,
and which can hardly be the result of
mistakes of American legislations, since
they are common to the whole world,
weighed upon these men, and they
reached out with eager, finite minds
for some solution of their difficulties.
They shouted as liberated slaves might
shout. They shouted, too, because they
were men-good strong animals, with
lungs and a vote and a right to howl
if they wanted. It was glorious to them
to feel the friction of minds. They
liked the contest. They liked the flag
above them. They liked the greate na-
tional game of politics. They looked
forward with childish excitement to the
match in November. They were glad
they were alive! Whoop! Hurrah!
Thurston I Bryan! Majors! Hit 'um again,
John! Who's getting' it now! Hi-yi-yi!
Such is politics
For reasons needing no explanation
no woman can look at a contest without
permitting her sympathies to influence
her judgment more or less. That is to
say, she is inevitably interested to a
greater or less extent in the chapion,
as well as in the cause for which he
stands. This may be so with men, too
But it can hardly influence them as
much as it does women. From the great
law of Sex it is impossible to escape.
No woman-or at any rate very few
women-can watch a combat of any
sort between two men without selecting
her favorite. And this facoritism has
its base in the simple law of selection
She is guided by admiration. She ad-
mires the man who seems to her the
most heroic. And it is not utterly im-
possible that when we get in politics,
as we will some day, that campaigns
may be governed by the shape of a
man's nose, or the turn of his leg! Es-
thetics, not polemics, will be the guide
The color of a man's hair will decide the
fate of a ward. The flash of his eye
may overthrow governments.
However, joking aside, there is no
doubt that the American woman who
witnesses a contest is influenced, as the
Roman woman used to be when she
looked upond the gladiatorial contests
by the personality of the men who are
fighting. And last Thursday presented
an interesting study in personality.
Mr. Thurston looked secretive; Mr.
Bryan frank; Mr. Thurston was thin,
with drooping shoulders, Bryan stal-
wart, with square shoulders, sugges-
tive of protection, Mr. Thurston, ex-
ceedingly intellectual, rather cautious,
and full of reservation; Mr. Bryan es-
sentially candid, very argumentative,
and fascinatingly impulsive; Mr.
Thurston with a small head, not comely,
with thin straight hair, a quiet, cold,
but penetrating eye, and a manner
that is not ingratiating. Mr. Bryan,
with a massive head, like that of an
old Roman, curling dark locks, a
"front of Jove," a film, large, yet
emotional mouth, a bright and
sometimes mischievous eye, and
a compelling magnetism in his
presence. Mr. Thurston suggested the
opposite. One had the temperance and
the incision of experience. The other
the dash and fury of youth One
fought coldy. The other hotly. Mr.
Thurston seemed like the advocate of
his cause. Mr. Bryan like the prophet
of his. One said that which he consid-
ered to be the best policy for his party
The other eloquently poured forth that
which he considered to be true. One
was conscious of being a consisten par-
tisan. The other aspired to be the de-
fender of right. One dealt out old plat-
itudes, well arranged, neatly put, and
serenely conscious that they were so
familiar that they would be understood
They other tried to encompass in his
speech a mass of new, strange and dis-
turbing truths. He endeavored to show
the meaning of these fresh conditions
He tried to make his listeners see things
as they are and not as men like to think
they are. The task of Mr. Thurston was
a very light one compared with the
task of Mr. Bryan.
| 89platform of the republican party, and
that is the only platform that I ever
care to stand upon [?] (Applause)
Does my friend stand for the free
and unlimited [?] of silver as a
principle or as a note getter? If he
stands on it as a principle, then why
did he not support Clem Deaver for
congress, who stands on the same plat-
form (Loud applause) If he stands
on it as a vote getter, then you can ex-
plain why he turns down Clem Dea-
ver, the free silver advocate, and sup-
ports James E Boyd, that is a strong
sound money/democrat of the state of
Nebraska, (Applause.) (A voice, "Give
it to him, John.") (Laughter)
Was it because he loved the Ameri-
can people and stood for principle that
he tied up the democratic party of Ne-
braska, in a brown paper parcel, and
tied it with a fusion string and deliv-
ered over to its enemy without even
taking a receipt in return? (Loud ap-
plause and laughters )
If he stands for principal, who was
it that in that convention, which he
manipulated with his right hand, that
he indorsed every populist who had
never smelled gun powder and turned
every populist nominee that had fought
under the flag of his country?. (Loud
applause) (A voice, "Give it to 'em
again.")
If he stood for principal and not for
office why was it that he indorsed Silas
A. Holcomb, a reform democrat, and
turned down John H Powers, that old
time republican and leader, par ex-
cellence of the populists in the state
of Nebraska? (Loud applause)
He says, if I go to congress, will I
stand for Nebraska? He says why
don't you talk about the tariff on
sugar? Great God, I did not need to
talk about the tariff on sugar, it
talk for itself. (Loud ap-
plause)
If I ever go to the senate of the
United States I will stand for legisla-
tion, that will give Nebraska farmers
enough money for their bushels of
wheat, so that they can afford to pay
to support binding twine factories
within the limits of our own common-
wealth (Applanse)
If I ever go to the senate of the United
States I will legislate in this coun-
try so that the American shee can look
a man in the face. (Applause)
If I ever go to the senate of the United
States, I will put up the bars of the
Texas border against the cattle of the
[gleasers], and keep them out of the
American market, and from cutting
down the price of American beef (Ap-
plause)
(A voice: "You'll go all right." Ap-
plause)
Talk about good times coming with
their effervescent influences under the
Wilson bill. He says that Wilson told
the English people that that legislation
was for the United States, but they all
raised up and said, You are a blars*ed
American fool if you think they'll do
anything of the kind (Laughter)
Talk about the rich growing richer
and the poor poorer. Where on the face
of Gods green earth do you find the
rich so rich and the poor so poor as in
free trade England. (Applause)
He says that 70 per cent of Boston
live in rented houses. John Bright
says that 80 per cent of the labor of
Scotland and England live in hovels
of one room to the family. (Loud ap-
plause)
[Wants] Demand for Labor.
Talking about the condemnation of
capital and manufacturing, my friend
wants a law to [arbitrate?] I am with
him on that as far as it can be carried
under the constitution of our country
but I could stand first for cre-
ating enough demand for labor
in the United States
so that labor would be its own arbi-
trator and fix its own price. (Applause)
He says chep in down in South
Omaha. Two years ago you fooled
these people by promising cheap din-
ner pails to the workingmen. Now
they stand idle on a sheif corrner; there
is no dinner in them and their wives
and their babies are asking for bread
You gave them cheap dinner pails and
soup, we will give them employment
(Loud laughter)
Stand up for the success of the re-
publican party. Strike down every
man who stands for the suppression
of a free ballot, for the opening of
American ports to a single day's labor
of anybody on any other part of the
earth that the American flag does not
wave over. Bless God, the American
people only get fooled once in a gen-
eration (Laughter) Old Abraham
Lincoln says, you can fool some of the
people all of the time, but you cannot
fool allof the people all of the time,
and this is not going to be a fool year
in the state of Nebraska. (Loud an
prolonged applause)
HOW A WOMAN VIEWED IT ALL.
Mrs. Peattie Writes of the Impres-
sious Given in Feminine Mind,
Fifteen thousand persons crowded
into the gigantic Colleseum last Thurs-
day evening for the purpose of hearing
tow honorable gentlemen differ with
one another concerning the tariff and
the force bill. To every fifty men there
was one woman. And the women had
their point of view as well as the men
In some respects that point of view
must necessarily be different from that
held by the men.
To begin with, a woman instinctively
idealizes everything she touches. She
takes her politics sentimentally, as she
does everything else. She is a demo-
crat, a republican or a populist for rea-
sons of heart--because one or the other
seems pre-eminently, unquestionably
right, or because the father she loved,
and who is dead, stood for the princi-
ples represented in one of these partis
or because her husband stands for
those principles, or because she has
thrown a glamour about one of the
leaders of those parties.
At the same time, in spite of her sen-
timentality, a woman does not neces-
sarily suppose that others are as in-
tense as herself. And she indulges in
a little curiousity concerning a crowd like
that which massed itself at the Coli-
seum the other evening-the largest
crowd, undoubtedly, that ever assem-
bled in Omaha. What was the reason
for their meeting? Did these men
meet that they might enjoy listening
to a debate? Was it an intellectual
impulse? Or was it purely a political
one, in the true sense of the word? Was
it possible that these men all concurred
in believing that politics were respon-
sible, primarily for the prosperity or
depression of the country, and was it
concern about their financial future,
and apprehension about their indus-
tiral liberty that brought them to-
gether?
It was the stuff of which republics are
made--that crowd Every male mem-
ber of it was conscious of his vote.
He showed in his demeanor that he at-
tached importanes to himslef and his
opinion. The men who were addressing
him, disputing us to which represented
the cause most worthy of sustainment,
were indeed his servants-his emis-
saries- his spokesman. Women have
not got so accustomed to the process
of making government, as to view it
subjectively. They still take an objec-
tive view of it. It diverted them to
see how deliberately these thousands
of men submitted themselves to laws of
their own making-how conscious they
were that the voices of men meant
confusion but that the voice of law
meant order.
It amused the women, too, to observe
with what unamimity the partisans
agreed each with their spokesman.
That two large bodies of men, repre-
senting two diametrically opposed sets
of ideas, should each have considered
themselves right, and should each be
so proud to serve under the banners of
their parties is not a new thing. It is
as old as human difference. Yet the
psychological interest of it is ever new
Does it not make right and wrong seem
to be matters of opinion, like beauty,
or taste? Can there be a positive
quality to right, when two bodies of
earnest and conscientious men disa-
gree as to it? For how shall right be
determined except by conscience? And
who doubts the conscientiousness of
the mass of our political partisans?
Truly a curious thing this differrence of
opinion. It mau be that it was de-
vised by an All-seeing God to keep men
from being bored to extinction.
However that may be, the men were
sufficiently partisan the other evening
They believed that they stood for the
principles which would save theis na-
tion from fincancial ruin. Many of
them believed that they were standing
for the principles that would save their
wives and children from starvation.
The times, which no one understands,
and which can hardly be the result of
mistakes of American legislations, since
they are common to the whole world,
weighed upon these men, and they
reached out with eager, finite minds
for some solution of their difficulties.
They shouted as liberated slaves might
shout. They shouted, too, because they
were men-good strong animals, with
lungs and a vote and a right to howl
if they wanted. It was glorious to them
to feel the friction of minds. They
liked the contest. They liked the flag
above them. They liked the greate na-
tional game of politics. They looked
forward with childish excitement to the
match in November. They were glad
they were alive! Whoop! Hurrah!
Thurston I Bryan! Majors! Hit 'um again,
John! Who's getting' it now! Hi-yi-yi!
Such is politics
For reasons needing no explanation
no woman can look at a contest without
permitting her sympathies to influence
her judgment more or less. That is to
say, she is inevitably interested to a
greater or less extent in the chapion,
as well as in the cause for which he
stands. This may be so with men, too
But it can hardly influence them as
much as it does women. From the great
law of Sex it is impossible to escape.
No woman-or at any rate very few
women-can watch a combat of any
sort between two men without selecting
her favorite. And this facoritism has
its base in the simple law of selection
She is guided by admiration. She ad-
mires the man who seems to her the
most heroic. And it is not utterly im-
possible that when we get in politics,
as we will some day, that campaigns
may be governed by the shape of a
man's nose, or the turn of his leg! Es-
thetics, not polemics, will be the guide
The color of a man's hair will decide the
fate of a ward. The flash of his eye
may overthrow governments.
However, joking aside, there is no
doubt that the American woman who
witnesses a contest is influenced, as the
Roman woman used to be when she
looked upond the gladiatorial contests
by the personality of the men who are
fighting. And last Thursday presented
an interesting study in personality.
Mr. Thurston looked secretive; Mr.
Bryan frank; Mr. Thurston was thin,
with drooping shoulders, Bryan stal-
wart, with square shoulders, sugges-
tive of protection, Mr. Thurston, ex-
ceedingly intellectual, rather cautious,
and full of reservation; Mr. Bryan es-
sentially candid, very argumentative,
and fascinatingly impulsive; Mr.
Thurston with a small head, not comely,
with thin straight hair, a quiet, cold,
but penetrating eye, and a manner
that is not ingratiating. Mr. Bryan,
with a massive head, like that of an
old Roman, curling dark locks, a
"front of Jove," a film, large, yet
emotional mouth, a bright and
sometimes mischievous eye, and
a compelling magnetism in his
presence. Mr. Thurston suggested the
opposite. One had the temperance and
the incision of experience. The other
the dash and fury of youth One
fought coldy. The other hotly. Mr.
Thurston seemed like the advocate of
his cause. Mr. Bryan like the prophet
of his. One said that which he consid-
ered to be the best policy for his party
The other eloquently poured forth that
which he considered to be true. One
was conscious of being a consisten par-
tisan. The other aspired to be the de-
fender of right. One dealt out old plat-
itudes, well arranged, neatly put, and
serenely conscious that they were so
familiar that they would be understood
They other tried to encompass in his
speech a mass of new, strange and dis-
turbing truths. He endeavored to show
the meaning of these fresh conditions
He tried to make his listeners see things
as they are and not as men like to think
they are. The task of Mr. Thurston was
a very light one compared with the
task of Mr. Bryan.
|
